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Professor Stephen Kent: Scientology versus Psychiatry

Discussion in 'Media' started by The Wrong Guy, Nov 27, 2012.

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  1. The Wrong Guy Member

    From Facebook today:

    Tony Ortega shared a link.

    Stephen Kent has done it again. The University of Alberta professor has gone deep on Scientology again, this time writing about its long war against psychiatry. The good professor has granted us the right to bring his entire new scholarly article to our readers, and we look forward to your thoughts on this lengthy, rich mine of information. Dig in!

    Stephen Kent’s New Article on Scientology’s War With Psychiatry | ortegaunderground

    A war over mental health professionalism: Scientology versus psychiatry

    By Stephen A. Kent and Terra A. Manca

    In this article, we focus on Scientology as a pseudo-psychiatric profession by demonstrating how Scientology was competing for psychiatry’s professional jurisdiction.

    Article and open comments at
    http://ortegaunderground.wordpress....-article-on-scientologys-war-with-psychiatry/
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  2. RightOn Member

    very nice indeed
  3. Anonymous Member

    Terra A. Manca, as a new comer, will soon discover the wrath of OSA. She should start hiding her garbage from now on. Or mixing it with kitty litter.
  4. Ogsonofgroo Member

    Yay! Its always great to see some new material, especially from the good professor and company! They peel the onion so very finely!
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  5. Anonymous Member

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  6. Anonymous Member

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  7. Incredulicide Member

    Not so much:
    Alternative therapy, Dianetics, and Scientology Terra Manca, Marburg Journal of Religion, Volume 15, 2010, ISSN 1612-2941
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  8. anonamus Member

    Frickin' GOOD read! Thanks TWG.
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  9. Anonymous Member

    Nice to read that Scientology is shit. However there are some annoying things about this paper. Not sure I care enough to get into it though.

    But in short: too much, "professions fight each other all the time" and not enough, "sound methods, or not?"

    Also, misleading to talk about dorky early psychiatry in isolation from dorky early medicine generally.

    Also, psychoanalysis as everybody's favorite whipping boy is weak. The field did have a basic grounding in the methods of science, though not everyone bothered. Efforts were made to falsify hypotheses. The field evolved and became something much closer to cognitive psychology and learning theory. So psychoanalysis actually fits the course of a scientific enterprise.

    All science begins in myth and gradually refines its models through reiteration of its hypothesis testing methods. The myth isn't the problem. Shit methods are the problem.

    Really who gives a fuck about professions and their turf wars. Methods of inquiry. That's what counts.
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  10. Anonymous Member

    Academic Paper: A war over mental health professionalism: Scientology versus psychiatry
    http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3856510/?report=classic
    http://ht.ly/rRMMp

    Attached Files:

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  11. Anonymous Member

    Academic Paper: A war over mental health professionalism: Scientology versus psychiatry
    http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3856510/?report=classic
    http://ht.ly/rRMMp

    • Like Like x 2
  12. RolandRB Member

    The Church of Scientology eradicated psychiatry by the year 2000 as planned. Psychiatry no longer exists.
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  13. Anonymous Member

    Academic Paper: A war over mental health professionalism: Scientology versus psychiatry
    http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3856510/?report=classic
    http://ht.ly/rRMMp

    Diagnosis and treatment of psychosis: two competing views

    The contraindications with Prozac around suicide and violence with some patients suggests how difficult the treatment of severe mental illness can be, without magic bullets or magic words sufficient to cure. Among the most serious psychiatric conditions is psychosis, which appears in various disorders as forms of hallucinations, delusions, perceptual distortions, and breaks from reality that significantly hinder a person's ability to function. Controlling psychosis remains a major challenge for psychiatry, and in the early 1950s, this challenge gave Dianetics and Scientology opportunities to criticise the profession's competence. In classification, diagnosis, and treatment of psychoses, however, psychiatry has made great strides, especially when compared to Scientology's failures. As such, forgoing psychiatric treatment, even for alternatives like Scientology, can endanger patients. One way to make this comparison is to look at how the two competitors classify, diagnose, and treat psychosis (broadly defined).

    Although we believe that Scientology's treatments, especially those encouraging patients to forgo what appears to be an effective psychotropic drug regimen, are dangerous, it is important to recognise that Scientology and psychiatry have very different codes of ethics. As such, individual Scientologists, like psychiatrists who have engaged in dangerous treatment regimens for their patients, may or may not believe that they are professionally ethical.4 Scientology's ethical code, however, places expansion as a priority that could overshadow clents’ needs: “We can make every org [organization] a safe island and then, by expanding and joining those orgs, bring peace and a safe environment to all the world” (Hubbard, 2007, p. 225). In addition, Scientology's ethical code includes a plethora of punishable acts and crimes, which Scientology handles with an internal justice system. As such, for many practicing Scientologists, Hubbard's guidelines on handling subjects may appear to be the best and safest treatment. Scientologists, therefore, undertake treatment based on their internal ethical system as well as what they believe to be their specialised knowledge base.
    Important elements of professional power involve professionals’ ability to organise or colligate material, then classify it in ways that facilitate understanding and treatment (Abbott, 1988, pp. 40–41). Abbott unravelled the relationship between colligation and classification this way:
    Colligation is the assembly of a ‘picture’ of the client [or subject]; it consists largely of rules declaring what kinds of evidence are relevant and irrelevant, valid and invalid, as well as rules specifying the admissible level of ambiguity. Classification means referring the colligated picture to the dictionary of professionally legitimate problems. A classification is a profession's own mapping of its jurisdiction. (Abbott, 1988, p. 41)
    Psychiatry's colligation and classification systems have undergone dramatic changes since Hubbard and his followers began criticising them in 1950, while Scientology's colligation and classification systems have remained relatively unchanged throughout its history and especially since the 1970s.
    The major event occurring in modern psychiatry involving its colligation and classification systems was the appearance, in 1952, of the first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-I). It:
    divided mental disorders into two major groups, The first represented cases in which the disturbed mental function resulted from or was precipitated by a primary impairment of brain function …. The second category encompassed disorders resulting from a more general inability of the individual to adjust, in which the brain function disturbance was secondary to the psychiatric illness. (Grob, 1991, p. 428)
    Psychodynamic and psychoanalytic concepts dominated, “which emphasized the psychological mechanisms that mediated between instinctual biological drives and the pressures of the external environment” (Grob, 1991, p. 429). The DSM-I was also influenced by psychiatrist Adolf Meyer (d. 1950), who suggested “that mental disorders represented reactions of the personality to psychological, social, and biological factors” (American Psychiatric Association [APA], 1994, p. xvii). The DSM-II appeared in 1968, and was similar to the DSM-I, except that it removed Meyer's influence regarding the reactive nature of mental disorders (APA, 1994, p. xvii).
    The next revision of the DSM – the DSM-III in 1980 – revolutionised psychiatric classification, and initiated the colligation and classification system that the profession currently uses. It jettisoned all discussions of etiology, psychoanalysis, and psychody-namics and replaced them with descriptions of “easily observable symptoms” (Wilson, 1993, p. 405). This third edition also introduced a formal multiaxial system that allowed psychiatrists to record different classes of information about a patient, which is a system that continues (albeit with refinements) through the DSM-IV TR. Taken together, the revisions that first appeared in the DSM-III re-medicalised psychiatry while remaining sensitive to socio-cultural contexts, and has allowed for the accumulation of reliable data concerning the distribution of mental illnesses and disorders within populations (see Wilson, 1993, p. 399).
    By contrast, Scientology's colligation and classification systems have lacked on-going scientific studies and internal debates. One person – L. Ron Hubbard – devised Scientology's systems without the benefit of systematic, peer-reviewed research or inter-rater reliability and validity tests, and these writings have become part of the group's “closed” scriptures. Moreover, he had some awareness of the classification system that German psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin (1856–1926) developed near the end of the nineteenth century, but completely rejected its utility. As eulogised by medical historian Edward Shorter:
    It is Kraepelin, not Freud, who is the central figure in the history of psychiatry … Kraepelin … provided the single most significant insight that the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had to offer into major psychiatric illness: that there are several types, that they have very different courses, and that their nature may be appreciated through the systematic study of large numbers of cases. (Shorter, 1997, p. 100)
    Later Shorter added that the 1899 version of Kraepelin's psychiatric systemisation resulted “in a classification of illness that provided the basis of the later Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders of the American Psychiatric Association, the authoritative guide for world psychiatry in our own time” (Shorter, 1997, p. 106). Hubbard, however, saw no merit in it whatsoever.
    Writing “On Human Behavior” in 1953, Hubbard dismissed this early, and highly influential, classifications scheme:
    Kraepelin in Germany a long time ago made a long and varied psychotic classification. This has been refined and made, if anything, even more unwieldy in modern times. It is valueless since it does not lead to the immediate remedy of the situation. Further, we are not very interested in types. There is really no such thing as a special type of psychosis or neurosis, beyond those types which are quite abberrative around the preclear. (Hubbard, 1953, p. 473)
    Apparently what he meant was that his only concern with psychoses or neuroses was when it impacted a Scientologist's ability to operate.
    Hubbard's additional comments about psychosis are scattered throughout his writings. In 1960, for example, Hubbard asserted that “[a] psychotic is that person who cannot receive orders of any kind, who sits unmovingly or goes berserk at the thought of doing anything told him by another determinism” (Hubbard, 1960, p. 136). Six years later, Hubbard devoted an entire publication to psychotics, which he also reprinted in 1976. In this document, once again Hubbard dismissed psychiatry's systemisation about psychosis, claiming “[t]he number of ‘psychoses’ which have been listed over the years has become so great that classification has become relatively meaningless. Further, the names given mean different things to different schools of psychiatry” (Hubbard, 1966, p. 133). Subsequently in the publication, Hubbard listed numerous characteristics of what he considered to be psychosis:
    The actual psychotic is covertly or overtly destructive of anything the rest of us consider good or decent or worthwhile.
    Sometimes such a being is ‘successful’ in life, but the end result of his activities are what you would expect—total smash.
    The true psychotic brings about an hysterical, apathetic, or deranged mental condition in others. He or she does it for ‘many good reasons’, does it for no reason at all, or doesn't even notice that he is doing it.
    The true psychotic worships destruction and abhors reasonable, decent or helpful actions.
    … One of the primary characteristics of the true psychotic is a total lack of introspection, a total irresponsibility to the pain of suffering of others, coupled with a logic which explains it all away, but uses reasons which are not sensible to any of the rest of us.
    … He is often entirely emotionless, completely cold-blooded and apparently perfectly controlled. (Hubbard, 1966, p. 133)
    These vague and unsystematic assertions suggest that Hubbard lacked actual experience dealing with people suffering from various mental illnesses, and therefore he described psychosis with inconsistent banalities probably applicable to several mental conditions. Nevertheless, from these banalities, Hubbard devised a treatment for psychotics that he saw as a direct challenge to psychiatry's efforts, even though it can have dire consequences for patients.

    Differing treatments of psychoses

    A. Psychotropic medications

    Within two years of Hubbard's criticisms of psychiatry's failures around psychosis, that profession began a new era by introducing the drug chlorpromazine, which revolutionised the treatment of psychotics and began pharmaceutical treatment for major psychiatric conditions (Healy, 2002, pp. 77–101). In 1952, the first academic papers about the new drug indicated that it had “a general antipsychotic effect. This effect was not only on agitation, but also on hallucinations, delirium, autism, and affective symptoms” (Oliė & Loo, 1999, p. 166).

    Other pharmaceuticals followed. In 1955, scientists synthesised chlordiazepoxide, and a few years later realised its anxiety-reducing properties. “It was marketed in the United States in 1963, and by the end of the 1960s had become the best-selling psychotropic drug in the Western world” (Healy, 1999, p. 172). Today psychiatrists utilise over a hundred drugs (see Sadock, Sadock, & Sussman, 2011). For better or worse, from this increasing use of psychtropic drugs, “the symbiotic relationship between drug companies and the medico-psychiatric establishment was cemented” (Bendelow, 2009, p. 86). This relationship leads some patients and even some professionals to be suspicious of the supposedly objective science behind drug trials and approvals, and these suspicions drive them to seek alternatives to pharmaceuticals through alternatives that may include Scientology. Although psychoanalysis lost esteem in mainstream psychiatry, other talk therapies proved successful, and the mental health community realises that a number of conditions respond best to a combination of pharmaceuticals and therapy. These conditions include depression, panic disorder, bulimia nervosa, posttraumatic disorder, and alcoholism and substance abuse (Baker, McFall, & Shoham, 2009, pp. 89–94).

    B. Scientology's attempts to cure psychoses

    Supplementing CCHR's attacks against psychiatric treatment in general are Scientology's claims that it can cure psychosis. In the first edition of Dianetics, for example, Hubbard alleged that auditors successfully treated psychosis through “the resolution of an insanity to a neurosis” (Hubbard, 1950b, p. 172 n.). Subsequent publications made stronger claims about psychotic cures. Frequently in these claims were instructions to isolate psychotics in quiet environments without distractions and allow them to rest (see Hubbard, 1965, p. 3; 1969, p. 3). The strongest claim about treating psychotics appeared in a 1974 publication about Hubbard's “discovery” of something he supposedly developed in 1973 called the Introspection Rundown. In the second revision of the Introspection Rundown, Hubbard (1974a) proclaimed, “THIS MEANS THE LAST REASON TO HAVE PSYCHIATRY AROUND IS GONE” (Hubbard, 1974a, p. 346 [capitalisation in original]). He instructed Scientologists to isolate the psychotic, not speak to him or her, give the person-specific vitamins and minerals, and begin auditing (Hubbard, 1974a, p. 347). The auditing case supervisor, whose only required training was Scientology, had the responsibility to decide when to release a supposed psychotic patient from isolation (Hubbard, 1974b, p. 261). As we demonstrate below, these alleged therapies had dire consequences for many upon whom Scientologists imposed them.

    C. Psychotic treatments compared

    Issues related to treatment are crucial in establishing legitimacy and maintaining professional dominance. Consequently, many properties of a “treatment classification system influence the vulnerability of professional jurisdiction to outside interloping” Abbott, 1988, p. 45). Both “treatment failure,” therefore, and the “measurability of the results” (Abbott, 1988, p. 46) can be important indicators of vulnerability from challengers.

    With these indicators in mind, we compare the efficacy or success rates for treating mental illnesses between psychiatry and Scientology. In essence, low success rates or poor efficacy for psychiatric treatments could create vulnerabilities to incursions from Scientology if indeed Scientology's therapeutic techniques seemed to be efficacious.

    Precise figures vary among sources that discuss psychiatric treatment successes. The National Alliance on Mental Illness (1997) made a comparison between successes in mental health treatment and general medications, and provided some basic numbers concerning success rates:
    Treatment outcomes for people with even the most serious mental illnesses are comparable to outcomes for well-established general medical or surgical treatments for other chronic diseases. The early treatment success rates for mental illnesses are 60–80 percent, well above the approximately 40 to 60 percent success rates for common surgical treatments for heart disease. (p. 2)
    The Illinois chapter of that same organisation indicated that treatment success for bi-polar disorder was 80%, major depression was 65%, and schizophrenia was 45% (National Alliance on Mental Illness Illinois, 2012, p. 2).

    Of course, treating mental health problems successfully involves numerous issues, including the progression of the condition at the time of intervention, patients compliance with prescription regimes, co-existing conditions, possibly age, gender, and various social factors, etc. Nevertheless, conservative estimates place psychiatry's success rates for containing or reversing symptoms (not “curing”) between 45% and 80%. Treatments also exist for various personality disorders (Maxmen & Ward, 1995, pp. 389–418; Ronningstam, 2005, pp. 183–184). Significantly, half or more of the people who seek psychiatric treatment for a range of conditions are likely to receive positive outcomes.

    Evaluating or comparing the success of Scientology's isolated treatment of psychotics is impossible, because Scientology does not publicise the number of its members who suffer from that condition (as the organisation defines it) or undergo its supposed treatment regime. Nor has it run randomised controlled trials to test its techniques, as would be required by contemporary science. What we do have, however, are accounts of Scientology's dismal failures to effectively treat psychotics, even to the point ofapparently harming some of them. Well before Hubbard detailed his techniques in the 1974 “Introspection Rundown” publication, Scientologists had been isolating members who appeared to have mental breakdowns in what they thought would be quiet environments in failed efforts to calm them sufficiently so that they could be audited. The first account about which we know was from the mid 1950s.
    In mid 1955, a person named Estrid Anderson Humphreys received an out-of-court-settlement in a lawsuit that she filed against L. Ron Hubbard, the Church of Scientology, the Hubbard Dianetic Research Foundation, the Hubbard Association of Scientologists, and others for $9000 in damages. She had claimed that her house (near Phoenix, Arizona)was extensively damaged by ‘persons’ the suit charged ‘with seriously deranged minds’ who were placed there for care and treatment. It charges these deranged persons broke windows, tore out entire window casements, pulled loose electrical fixtures, tore and broke great holes in the walls and ceilings, and broke off doors, screen doors, and cabinets, and did other serious damage. (‘Woman sues’, 1955; ‘House owner’, 1955, ‘$9,000 suit’, 1955)

    Another account occurred in the early 1970s, when Hubbard was commodore of the Scientology ship, Apollo. Scientologists allegedly locked up and isolated someone who apparently had severe mental problems. In a 1985 deposition, former member Homer Schomer spoke about a man named Bruce whom crew members had locked in a cabin (Schomer was unsure if it had been for weeks or months). The man literally tore the cabin apart while he lived in his own excrement. He ripped wood off the walls, and even tried to knock a hole in the door. All the while his custodians hoped that he would rest (Schomer, 1985, p. 30).

    Similar isolations continued into the 1990s. In 1990, 31-year-old Marianne Coenan had Scientology family members lock her up in a “cell-like” bedroom in a house near Los Angeles. When authorities located her, she “was wearing a shirt and pants but no shoes. Her legs were bruised, and scratches covered her wrists and neck, but she was otherwise uninjured” (Freed & Ahn, 1990, p. B1). Press accounts strongly suggested that her family had placed her on the “Introspection Rundown” (Lee, 1990, p. B15).

    In 1994, the British newspaper, The Independent, ran a detailed account about Scientologists whom the organisation had put into isolation. After one German man lost control and started screaming in 1991, Scientologists put him in an isolated room and locked him up for two weeks before sending him back to Germany. During that time he was incontinent, and his custodians only tried communicating with him through writing (so as not to have sound upset him). Another German was put in isolation in 1993, but she eventually escaped and police sent her back home.

    After treating a number of persons who had either been in isolation or had guarded isolated Scientologists, British psychiatrist Betty Tilden indicated, “They come out of it suffering from something very similar to Post-traumatic Stress Disorder, the ‘prisoner’ syndrome. There is hyper-arousal, flashbacks, fear and obsessions. It is very nasty ….” (Tilden quoted in Kelsey & Ricks, 1994).

    The most widely known failure of Hubbard's treatment of psychotics involved Scientologist Lisa McPherson (d. 1995). Apparently, McPherson attempted to leave the organisation, which Hubbard's writings stated was diagnostic evidence of psychosis. Consequently, fellow Scientologists attempted to treat McPherson by holding her in isolation in hopes that she would calm down sufficiently to undergo auditing. Instead, she “pulled things off shelves, destroyed furniture broke lights, threw a ficus plant at one of her watchers, screamed, banged her head on the wall, floor and bed” (Reitman, 2011, p. 218). She refused to eat or drink, so she lost a significant amount of weight. After 17 days under the control of Scientologists at the Fort Harrison hotel, McPherson died while her caretakers were seeking medical care for her.

    Scientologists claimed to believe that after isolation, McPherson would communicate through auditing (see Hubbard, 1974a, pp. 240–241). According to Scientology's attorney and spokesperson, Elliot Abelson, McPherson “was ineligible to receive Scientology counselling there [at the Fort Harrison Hotel] because she was having trouble sleeping.” He said, counselling cannot be done until a person had six to eight hours sleep and become sufficiently stable to receive counselling. As such, Scientology's isolation treatment regimes for psychotics appear to have shown dire consequences with little to no measurable improvement in patients mental conditions. On a broad level, psychiatry's Principles of Medical Ethics present members professional responsibilities to patients rights, dignity, and access to medical care, and under their guidance no ethical psychiatrist would participate in the kinds of confinements, constraints, and pseudo-medical treatment that Scientologists apparently imposed upon their fellow members (American Psychiatric Association, 2010).
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  14. Anonymous Member

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    Conclusion

    Based on Abbott's classic discussion of the system of professions, a portrayal of Dianetics and Scientology's war against psychiatry as a professionalism battle between an ideology and a science would misrepresent the nature of psychiatry in the early 1950s. Psychiatry's professional reputation was weak because none of its techniques (except perhaps the mysterious electro-shock) could control (much less cure) major diseases. Its major therapeutic tool throughout the 1950s and (in some circles) into the 1990s was psychoanalysis, which eventually most members of the discipline abandoned because it was unscientific. When psychiatrists used it, it was expensive and slow, and at best cured some neuroses only. Medical doctors dominated its application. Dianetics, perhaps even more than its immediate successor, Scientology, claimed to be fast, cheap, and remarkably successful regarding a wide range of afflictions, with laypersons learning its basic techniques quickly. While a few doctors did not reject it, many did, and some of them saw Dianetics as a potential threat to psychiatry. Indeed, Hubbard constructed Dianetics as a threat, when he attempted to elevate its professional image by claiming academic degrees that he did not have and establishing Scientology journals along the lines of scientific disciplines.

    Within two years of Dianetics's appearance, however, a scientific revolution began in psychiatry to which Hubbard could offer no equal. Pharmaceuticals appeared that had dramatic effects on controlling some major mental illnesses, and psychiatry's professional image improved. As a narcissistic ideologue committed only to his own viewpoints, Hubbard rejected any value of pharmaceuticals, and eventually launched a war against them and the psychiatrists who prescribed them. This war had effects – both positive and negative. For instance, on the positive side, Scientology was somewhat correct about the dangers of Prozac (at least on some people), and it helped to expose psychiatric treatment abuse in Australia. On the negative side, some people who could have benefitted from Prozac probably avoided it because of Scientology's ideologically driven attacks against it.

    Other major events in psychiatry began in 1980, when the discipline's major classification guide to mental disorders began focusing on identifiable characteristics rather than aetiologies. Classification became more scientific, so the application of psychotropics gained precision. Hubbard, however, rejected the very foundations of this new system and instead constructed an imprecise one around his notion of psychosis. Regarding the effectiveness of treatments, which is a major factor contributing to a group's professional image, psychiatry's combination of drugs and some therapies achieved moderate to considerable successes in many areas of mental health while Hubbard's techniques purportedly to cure psychoses appear to be disastrous. While Scientology continues to criticise aspects of psychiatry, its shortfalls suggest that it will never replace the profession with its own mental health techniques.

    Scientology will never replace psychiatry, but its failure will not be for lack of trying. Immediately after the 11 September 2001 attacks against the World Trade Center in New York, Scientology set up nationally available telephone hotlines under the guise of National Mental Health Assistance, which many people probably confused with the respected National Mental Health Association. It directed “crying and upset” people to Scientology centres for assistance (O'Neil, 2001). At the disaster site itself, Scientologists wearing yellow T-shirts identifying themselves as Volunteer Ministers pitched in during the clean-up effort, but had their own agenda for doing so.

    As revealed in e-mails that Scientologist Simon Hare sent to Scientologists at the time and which critics of the organisation obtained, one of their goals there was:
    … we are trying to move in and knock the psychs out of counselling to the grieving families …. Due to some brilliant manoeuvring by some simply genius Sea Org Members [i.e., full-time Scientologists] we tied up the majority of the psychs who were attempting to get to families yesterday in Q&A [questions and answers], bullbait [techniques of confrontational insults on which Scientologists train] and wrangling. They have a hard time completing cycles of action and are pretty easy to disperse. But today they are out in full force and circling like vultures over these people and all of our resources are tied up in the support efforts in the disaster zone at present. (Hare, quoted in Graham, 2001, p. 1)
    Explaining further what role traditional mental health and psychiatric professionals were playing, Hare continued:
    The other religions here with their ministers have shown their true colors and are working hand in hand with the psychs to give these people as much false data and restimulation as they can. They HAVE NO TECH and they're not even trying to hide it anymore. They've crossed over and abandoned anything spiritual and to hell with them. (Hare, quoted in Graham, 2001, p. 2 [capitals in original])
    Whatever other goals the Volunteer Ministers had, a primary one was to get Scientology's techniques to distressed workers and families in place of traditional mental health and psychiatric counselling. In the language of professional competition, the Volunteer Ministers wanted to “bump” the psychiatrists and related professionals from the scene (Abbott, 1988, p. 89).

    Moving ahead some 11 years later, Scientology announced the opening of a national office in Washington, DC, ostensibly to “‘coordinate its many social and humanitarian initiatives on a national and international level’” (Church of Scientology, quoted in Bedard, 2012), but also presumably to lobby government officials on issues related to Scientology's interests. (Two of the dignitaries who spoke complimented Scientology on previous lobbying efforts.) One of the programs that it hoped to strengthen was the “Scientology Volunteer Ministers, the world's largest independent relief force providing emergency response at major disaster sites for more than a decade.” Unstated, of course, is the goal of the Volunteer Ministers to eliminate the role of psychiatry and mental health professionals at those sites. Consequently, the United States now has a federally tax exempt organisation, inclusively called the Church of Scientology, using taxpayers’ money in the nation's capital to lobby officials and agencies about the destruction of psychiatric practices.
    In addition to these efforts, Scientology continues to solicit public support through its websites and offline events, including CCHR's “Psychiatry: An Industry of Death” exhibition. Moreover, some critics of Scientology highlight what appear to be harmful practices at Narconon centres, which use a Scientology affiliated drug rehabilitation program that avoids psychiatric or traditional mental health assistance.5 Scientology's war against psychiatry is far from over; it fact, it just may have entered a new phase.

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    Acknowledgements

    The authors used documents from the Kent Collection on Alternative Religions, which is housed at the University of Alberta Library, to conduct this research. One of the authors (Manca) was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council and the University of Alberta's President's Doctoral Prize of Distinction.


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    Notes

    1.More information on Scientology's various structures is in Kent (1999a) as well as other sources that we cite.
    2.In reality, however, lobotomy's major advocate, Walter Freeman (1895–1972) used the procedure on “depressed, anxious, phobic, paranoid, ‘frigid,’ homosexual, hyperactive delusional, violent, neurotic, psychotic, and schizophrenic patients,” whose pre-lobotomy lives ranged from merely disrupted to completely disordered (Rodgers, 1992, pp. 6, 7).
    3.We can assume that former combat soldiers from World War II played a significant role in the 1950 increase. We know, for example, that combat produced “an enormous variety of stress-related behavior,” including psychosis (Spiegel, 2000, p. 58).
    4.For instance, “Psychology has often accommodated to the political ideology of the day” (Pettifor, 2007, p. 314). Psychiatrists and psychologists in Nazi Germany, apartheid South Africa, and Soviet Russia often supported segregation and what are arguably unethical regimes (Pettifor, 2007, p. 314).
    5.News articles report deaths and injuries associated with these centers as associated with the removal of all medication in the drug rehabilitation program, which resulted in various health concerns including suicide attempts (Reynolds, 2012). Nonetheless, there is no legal evidence that Narconon's practices have caused these deaths (see Wade, 2012).


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    • Like Like x 3
  15. Random guy Member

    Niiiiiice!
  16. Anonymous Member

    • Like Like x 1
  17. Anonymous Member

    Yes, you are correct,Psychiatry no longer exists... as WE know it. But yet it still exists as a Clthonian horror ever ready to leap out at us and shove psychiatric medication down our screaming throats.

    You can never be too ever-vigilant!
  18. Anonymous Member

    Like Dutch doctors against the Nazi's

    • Like Like x 2
  19. Anonymous Member

    ^^^Interesting Godwin there. 7/10.
    • Like Like x 3
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